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THE BLOOMSBURY HANDBOOK OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.
Dietrich, Ayse
Academic Journal Academic Journal | International Journal of Russian Studies; Jul2023, Vol. 12 Issue 2, p147-151, 5p Please log in to see more details
THE BLOOMSBURY HANDBOOK OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.
International Journal of Russian Studies; Jul2023, Vol. 12 Issue 2, p147-151, 5p

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BLOOMSBURY (London, England) - REVOLUTIONS - PEASANTS - FEBRUARY Revolution, Russia, 1917 - STATE power - RUSSIAN history - HISTORY of the Soviet Union - VILLAGES

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Larry Holmes. Revisiting the Revolution: The Unmaking of Russia's Official History of 1917: Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2021. Pp. xix +220. £22 (paperback), ISBN: 9780253...
Clark, William A.
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Revolutionary Russia. Jun2023, Vol. 36 Issue 1, p121-123. 3p. Please log in to see more details
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Political Views and Positions of the Russian Servicemen in Finland at the Final Stage of the First World War (Spring – Summer 1917)
Elena Yu. Dubrovskaya
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 27, Iss 1, Pp 20-34 (2022) Please log in to see more details
Abstract. Introduction. In the spring and summer of 1917 changes in the former autonom... more
Political Views and Positions of the Russian Servicemen in Finland at the Final Stage of the First World War (Spring – Summer 1917)
Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 27, Iss 1, Pp 20-34 (2022)
Abstract. Introduction. In the spring and summer of 1917 changes in the former autonomous Grand Duchy of Finland determined the history of relations between Russia and Finland for decades to come. The purpose of the article is to show changes in the political views and positions of the Baltic sailors and the army servicemen, who were elected to democratic organizations of the Russian military at the final stage of the First World War. Methods and materials. The article is based on the results of long standing study of issues, dealing with the stay of the Russian armed forces in the Grand Duchy of Finland, and follows the theoretical developments of V.D. Zimina, B.I. Kolonitsky, E. Mawdsley, A. Wildman on the problems of the Russian revolution of 1917. It uses a historical and anthropological approach to the research of the role of the military factor in the history of Russia and Finland in the 20th Century. Analysis. Reviewed archival documents and published sources indicate that immediately after the February Revolution active party organizations in the units were either a rare exception or experienced a stage of formation, which affected the actions of the primary personnel of the Soviets, as well as soldier’s and sailor’s committees. During the spring months voters’ political sympathies were closely associated with the Socialist Revolutionaries as the most popular party in Russia. However, by the summer of 1917 the readiness of the socialist leaders of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party and the Mensheviks to continue the war increasingly contradicted the interests of ordinary servicemen. The question of how the activities of the Soviets and committees of this period fit into the rope of events that became the “prologue” of the Civil War in Russia has been investigated. It is pointed out, that such measures include the abolition of the old apparatus of power, the refusal to comply with the orders of the military authorities, not agreed with soldier and sailor organizations, assistance in the deployment and strengthening of the political union of the Bolsheviks and left-wing groups of socialist parties, support provided to the radical wing of the Finnish social-democracy. Results. The study of socio-political transformations that took place in the Russian military community during the period under review and predetermined changes in the views and positions of the Russian servicemen in Finland allows us to conclude the following. In the spring and summer of 1917 leaders of the Soviets and committees still managed to accumulate a certain experience of “inter-party” interaction. It was first noted that that in the course of the revolution development representative organizations of sailors and the army men just during these months were prepared for an independent line of behavior and sometimes outpaced the protest actions of military personnel in the Russian capital. Key words: Russian revolution of 1917, Finland, servicemen, Soviets, committees, political views and positions, socio-political transformations.

Subject terms:

russian revolution of 1917 - finland - servicemen - soviets - committees - political views and positions - socio-political transformations - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - International relations - JZ2-6530

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'Stepchildren of free Russia': collective consciousness of orthodox priests during russian revolution
Gleb Zapalsky
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 93, Iss 93, Pp 77-96 (2020) Please log in to see more details
This paper is devoted to numerous manifestations of social activity of Orthodox priest... more
'Stepchildren of free Russia': collective consciousness of orthodox priests during russian revolution
Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 93, Iss 93, Pp 77-96 (2020)
This paper is devoted to numerous manifestations of social activity of Orthodox priests in Russia in 1917?1918: priests’ unions, priests’ assemblies, letters to authorities, articles in media. The author of the article uses public texts which help to study mass (rather than elite) ideas, most commonly encountered in the public space. These texts highlight practical, even down-to-earth problems, their rhetoric and emotions reach a grotesque level with events of the revolution in the background. But collective consciousness of priests, their thoughts about their own community are implicitly manifested in these texts as well. This was the result of collective activity of the rallied priests. The author comes to the conclusion that the collective consciousness of priests was almost non-manifested in the public space during the revolution. We often meet elements of their professional consciousness, the contrast of their community and proximate communities (monk clergy, lower clerics), the need to be seen as ordinary people and citizens, to get a right of choice, e.g. to choose a secular work or even to take off their rank without any sanction. The pastoral consciousness, a feeling of priest’s high vocation, his responsibility, the impossibility to leave his service were also manifested brightly. It is hard to make a strict distinction between the professional and the pastoral consciousness, but it is clear that the choice between them became sharper during the events of the Russian Revolution.

Subject terms:

russian orthodox church - orthodox priests - collective consciousness - consciousness of social strata - professional consciousness - pastoral consciousness - russian revolution of 1917 - unions of priests - assemblies of priests - русская церковь - православные священники - коллективное самосознание - сословное самосознание - профессиональное самосознание - пастырское самосознание - революция 1917 г. - пастырские союзы - пастырские собрания - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - History and principles of religions - BL660-2680

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Yakut diocese in 1917 (based on materials from the regional press)
Vladimir Pushkarev
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 96, Iss 96, Pp 72-88 (2020) Please log in to see more details
The purpose of this article is to trace the process of reorganising church life in Yak... more
Yakut diocese in 1917 (based on materials from the regional press)
Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 96, Iss 96, Pp 72-88 (2020)
The purpose of this article is to trace the process of reorganising church life in Yakutia in the context of the Russian revolution of 1917. The main source of the study is the regional periodicals Vestnik Iakutskogo komiteta obshchestvennoi bezopasnosti (“Bulletin of Yakut public security committee”) and Iakutskie eparkhial’nye vedomosti (“Yakut diocesan gazette”). These acted not only as mass media, but also took active part in forming public opinion about the ongoing events in the country and in the region. The article demonstrates the ambiguous response of the Yakut clergy to the overthrow of monarchy and discusses diffi cult relations between diocesan authorities and the revolutionary organs of state authorities in the region. In the spring, these organs persistently advocated the separation of the church from the state and from the school, initiated a comprehensive check of diocesan aff airs and approved the confi scation of church lands. However, the diocese managed to defend the right to independently resolve their internal aff airs. The main attention is paid in the article to the process of democratisation of diocesan administration, the leading institutions of which were the pastoral meeting, the diocesan congress and the Church Diocesan Council, while the importance of episcopal authority was rapidly decreasing. For a deep reorganisation of church life, the arrangement of parishes on the gospel basis was also required, which implied their transformation into active self-governing communities. The Union of Orthodox Christians of Yakutia actively tried to promote this process. The low morale and psychological state of the clergy and church-goers of Yakut diocese by the end of 1917 clearly testifi es to the low effi ciency of these transformations in the context of a deepening revolution.

Subject terms:

russian orthodox church - yakut diocese - russian revolution of 1917 - democratisation of church life - diocesan administration - yakut diocesan gazette - bulletin of yakut public security committee - union of orthodox christians of yakutia - православная российская церковь - якутская епархия - революция 1917 г. - демократизация церковной жизни - епархиальное управление - «якутские епархиальные ведомости» - «союз православных христиан якутии» - «якутский комитет общественной безопасности» - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - History and principles of religions - BL660-2680

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'Enough with fraternal blood!': Orthodox Church in Tsaritsyn in 1917
Evgeniy Vorobyеv
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 96, Iss 96, Pp 62-71 (2020) Please log in to see more details
The article discusses the reaction of the clergy of a typical Russian city to the revo... more
'Enough with fraternal blood!': Orthodox Church in Tsaritsyn in 1917
Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 96, Iss 96, Pp 62-71 (2020)
The article discusses the reaction of the clergy of a typical Russian city to the revolutionary events of 1917. It shows changes in the role of the Orthodox Church in Tsaritsyn in the situation of a national crisis. The analysis is based primarily on materials of those local newspapers which under the circumstances of the proclaimed freedom of press could reliably refl ect the problems of society and presented diverse points of view on their solution depending on political preferences of the editorial offices. The article identifi es the main diffi culties in the activity of parishes, i.e. the increase in anti-church attitudes, lack of agreement among the clergy, deterioration in the financial situation of the Church, confl icts both within the clergy and between priests and the church-goers. During the First World War, the Church in Tsaritsyn managed to organise assistance to the needy and consolidate all the forces of society, but after the fall of the monarchy in Russia, a great deal of time and eff ort was spent on participating in rallies, marches, and public prayers in support of the Provisional Government. The consistent position of the clergy as to preserving civil peace did not find much response in the people, and the new authorities did not ensure interaction with the Russian Orthodox Church which was excluded from solving current issues at the local level. The democratisation of parish life and the activity of the clergy in the election process did not lead to the strengthening of the position of the Church in society, but, on the contrary, contributed to the involvement of priests in political strife. The authority and role of Orthodox pastors in preserving the moral foundations of the population was steadily declining. The main reason for the strengthening of this trend was the inability of priests to respond to the challenges of the revolutionary time, their absorption in ensuring their daily subsistence and petty squabbles, especially over the preservation of their own positions. The local clergy did not become the driving force of the revolution in 1917, although they supported the Provisional Government en masse. The advent of Bolsheviks to power was a complete surprise for the Orthodox Church, which is perfectly illustrated by the example of the situation in Tsaritsyn.

Subject terms:

russian revolution of 1917 - tsaritsyn - russian orthodox church - clergy - saratov diocese - first world war - революция 1917 г. - царицын - русская православная церковь - духовенство - саратовская епархия - первая мировая война - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - History and principles of religions - BL660-2680

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'Fatal betrayal'of the Church: the question of 'ecclesiastical bolshevism' at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church (1917–1918)
Konstantin Kovyrzin
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 97, Iss 97, Pp 120-136 (2020) Please log in to see more details
The paper examines the phenomenon of “ecclesiastical Bolshevism”, i.e. a radical disru... more
'Fatal betrayal'of the Church: the question of 'ecclesiastical bolshevism' at the Local Council of the Russian Orthodox Church (1917–1918)
Vestnik Pravoslavnogo Svâto-Tihonovskogo Gumanitarnogo Universiteta: Seriâ II. Istoriâ, Istoriâ Russkoj Pravoslavnoj Cerkvi, Vol 97, Iss 97, Pp 120-136 (2020)
The paper examines the phenomenon of “ecclesiastical Bolshevism”, i.e. a radical disruption of church order caused by the February Revolution of 1917. The term “ecclesiastical Bolshevism” refers to acts of insubordination of bishops, parish clergymen, monks and lay members of the Church to ecclesiastical authorities and their violating of canonical church discipline. The feature of the phenomenon was that the participants of inner church confl icts sought assistance from secular revolutionary authorities. The author points out the importance of documents from the Conference of Bishops and Judicial Commission of the Local Council of 1917–1918 for studying church confl icts on a diocesan scale. He analyses the activities of the special conciliar Commission designed to stop the disruptions of church order. The author concludes that the phenomenon of “ecclesiastical Bolshevism” was due to a number of reasons, the most important being the partial secularization of clergy and monastics and their loss of canon-law awareness. The external revolutionary factors became the catalyst for the critical tendencies already present in church life. The Local Council regarded “ecclesiastical Bolshevism” as a threat to the unity of the Church. The Episcopal Conference was considering the appeals of bishops deposed in the course of the “church revolution” from the very beginning of its work. The principal condemnation of “ecclesiastical Bolshevism” and the arrangements for countering it were defi ned in a special conciliar decree from April 6 (19), 1918.

Subject terms:

russian orthodox church - local council - revolution of 1917 - “ecclesiastical bolshevism” - orthodox clergy - monks - laity - российская православная церковь - поместный собор - революция 1917 г. - «церковный большевизм» - православные клирики - монашествующие - миряне - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - History and principles of religions - BL660-2680

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The Black Swan of the Russian Revolution.
GREGORY, PAUL R.
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Independent Review. Summer2017, Vol. 22 Issue 2, p167-171. 5p. Please log in to see more details
The article discusses the confluence of events that led to the victory of the Bolshevi... more
The Black Swan of the Russian Revolution.
Independent Review. Summer2017, Vol. 22 Issue 2, p167-171. 5p.
The article discusses the confluence of events that led to the victory of the Bolshevik Party led by Vladimir Lenin during the Russian Revolution in the period 1917-1922 as well as the collapse of the Soviet Union. Topics covered include a series of inevitable events grinding toward the unavoidable socialist revolution, forces that led to Russia's qualitative change from capitalism to socialism, and the role of historical coincidence and accidents that led to Bolshevik victory.

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RUSSIAN Revolution, 1917-1921 - ROSSIISKAIA kommunisticheskaia partiia (bolshevikov) - HISTORY of the Soviet Union - FEBRUARY Revolution, Russia, 1917 - LENIN, Vladimir Ilich, 1870-1924

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The activities of Russian public organizations in China in 1917 (on the example of the Russian colony in Manchuria and Xinjiang)
Elena N. Nazemtseva
Academic Journal Academic Journal | RUDN Journal of Russian History, Vol 18, Iss 4, Pp 758-778 (2019) Please log in to see more details
The article analyzes activities of Russian public organizations in China in 1917 after... more
The activities of Russian public organizations in China in 1917 (on the example of the Russian colony in Manchuria and Xinjiang)
RUDN Journal of Russian History, Vol 18, Iss 4, Pp 758-778 (2019)
The article analyzes activities of Russian public organizations in China in 1917 after the Russian February Revolution of 1917. Previously unstudied archival sources demonstrate that during that period, a large Russian diaspora formed in the Republic of China. Its composition depended on the specifics of the region. Information about the events in Russia and the revolutionary agitators arriving in China sharply intensified political life in the Russian colonies. This tendency was most pronounced in Manchuria, where the Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) had a key influence on the life of the Russian diaspora. Beginning in March 1917, various public organizations and associations began to form here - executive committees, councils of workers’ and soldiers’ deputies, party cells of the RSDLP(b). Throughout the year, rallies, demonstrations, and meetings were held in Harbin in support of the revolution and against the Russian administration of the road; here the sentiment was caution and distrust towards the events in Russia. The destabilization of the political situation caused dissatisfaction of the Chinese authorities and the international community, as it violated the work of the CER and led to the introduction of Chinese troops in Harbin. While in Xinjiang public organizations were less active in 1917 they nevertheless aroused the Chinese leadership’s concern, as agitation could easily lead to serious ethnic conflicts, especially multinational East Turkestan had not yet recovered from the 1916 uprising. There were no such organizations in Shanghai, Beijing and Tianjin. However, one of the main consequences of these events was the weakening of Russian positions in China, as well as in the Far East and Central Asia as a whole.

Subject terms:

russian empire - republic of china - russian revolution of 1917 - russian-chinese relations - public organizations - agitation - propagand - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735

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The Concept of a ‘Peasant War’ in Soviet and Western Historiography of the ‘Troubles’ in Early 17th-Century and Early 20th-Century Russia
Maureen Perrie
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 24, Iss 2, Pp 36-43 (2019) Please log in to see more details
The concept of ‘peasant wars’ in 17th- and 18th-century Russia was borrowed by Soviet ... more
The Concept of a ‘Peasant War’ in Soviet and Western Historiography of the ‘Troubles’ in Early 17th-Century and Early 20th-Century Russia
Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 24, Iss 2, Pp 36-43 (2019)
The concept of ‘peasant wars’ in 17th- and 18th-century Russia was borrowed by Soviet historians from Friedrich Engels’ work on the Peasant War in Germany. The four peasant wars of the early modern period were identified as the uprisings led by Ivan Bolotnikov (1606-1607), Sten’ka Razin (1667-1671), Kondratiy Bulavin (1707-1708) and Emel’ian Pugachev (1773-1775). Following a debate in the journal Voprosy istorii in 1958-1961, the ‘first peasant war’ was generally considered to encompass the period c.1603-1614 rather than simply 1606- 1607. This approach recognised the continuities in the events of the early 17th century, and it meant that the chronological span of the ‘first peasant war’ was virtually identical to that of the older concept of the ‘Time of Troubles’. By the 1970s the term, ‘civil wars of the feudal period’ (based on a quotation from Lenin) was sometimes used to define ‘peasant wars’. It was recognised by Soviet historians that these civil wars were very complex in their social composition, and that the insurgents did not exclusively (or even primarily) comprise peasants, with Cossacks playing a particularly significant role. Nevertheless the general character of the uprisings was seen as ‘anti-feudal’. From the 1980s, however, R.G. Skrynnikov and A.L. Stanislavskiy discarded the view that the events of the ‘Time of Troubles’ constituted an anti-feudal peasant war. They preferred the term ‘civil war’, and stressed vertical rather than horizontal divisions between the two armed camps. Western historians, with the notable exception of the American historian Paul Avrich, generally rejected the application of the term ‘peasant wars’ to the Russian uprisings of the early modern period, regarding them as primarily Cossack-led revolts. From the 1960s, however, Western scholars such as Teodor Shanin (following the American anthropologist Eric Wolf) began to use the term ‘peasant wars’ in relation to the role played by peasants in 20th-century revolutionary events such as those in Russia and China. Some of these Western historians, including Avrich and Wolf, used the term not only for peasant actions in the Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917, but also for peasant rebellions against the new Bolshevik regime (such as the Makhnovshchina and the Antonovshchina) that Soviet scholars considered to be counter-revolutionary banditry. The author argues that, in relation to the ‘Time of Troubles’ in early 20th-century Russia, the term ‘peasant war’ is not entirely suitable to describe peasant actions against the agrarian relations of the old regime in 1905 and 1917, since these were generally orderly and non-violent. The term is more appropriate for the anti-Bolshevik uprisings of armed peasant bands in 1918-1921, as suggested by the British historian Orlando Figes.

Subject terms:

Historiography of Russia - ‘Time of Troubles’ in Russia - Friedrich Engels - ‘peasant wars’ - Ivan Bolotnikov - R.G. Skrynnikov - A.L. Stanislavskiy - civil wars in Russia - Paul Avrich - Eric Wolf - Teodor Shanin - Orlando Figes - Russian revolutions of 1905 and 1917 - Makhnovshchina - Antonovshchina - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - International relations - JZ2-6530

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The Russian Army's Shock Formations in 1917.
Solntseva, Svetlana A.
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Russian Studies in History. Spring2013, Vol. 51 Issue 4, p50-73. 24p. Please log in to see more details
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Transformation of Social Structure of the Russian Society in 1917
Darya A. Kalinina
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 22, Iss 6, Pp 38-45 (2017) Please log in to see more details
The article gives an overview of the changes taking place during 1917 in the social st... more
Transformation of Social Structure of the Russian Society in 1917
Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 22, Iss 6, Pp 38-45 (2017)
The article gives an overview of the changes taking place during 1917 in the social structure of Russian society. Throughout 1917, three independent systems of organization and interaction between social groups had been distinguished: firstly, a fairly clear social division of society, traditional for Russia and preserved until the fall of the monarchy; secondly, a noticeable erosion of the class structure of the population during the period of the Provisional Government and the Soviets, which led to the formalization of class distinctions; thirdly, a new class division of society was observed for the country as one of the natural results of the October Revolution of 1917. During the period under review, one of the aspects of social inequality was transformed: inequality in the scope of the rights and freedoms of different social groups. Three different models for determining the legal status of the population were identified. In the monarchical period of 1917, there were quite profound differences in the scope of the rights of subjects – the estate principle laid at the heart of inequality. At the stage of the existence of a democratic republic, the class principle of inequality remained, but the difference in the scope of rights and freedoms was actively erased. The Soviet Republic switched to the class principle of social inequality, and deepened the difference in the legal status of classes to the ultimate level. The rate of such changes is completely uncharacteristic of the social structure and is explained by a whole complex of assumptions that provoked an incredibly fast and radical transformation that can be traced throughout 1917.

Subject terms:

social structure - estates - classes - the Russian Empire - the Provisional Government - the Legal Conference - the February Revolution of 1917 - the October Revolution of 1917 - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - International relations - JZ2-6530

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Participation of Russia and Turkey in the Political Processes of the South Caucasus (1918)
Karine R. Ambartsumyan
Academic Journal Academic Journal | Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 23, Iss 2, Pp 166-176 (2018) Please log in to see more details
The article studies the influence of Russia and Turkey on the political development of... more
Participation of Russia and Turkey in the Political Processes of the South Caucasus (1918)
Вестник Волгоградского государственного университета. Серия 4. История, регионоведение, международные отношения, Vol 23, Iss 2, Pp 166-176 (2018)
The article studies the influence of Russia and Turkey on the political development of the South Caucasus in 1918. The choice of 1918 year is conditioned by its transitivity in the relations of two countries with regard to the Caucasus region: peace treaty was concluded, but cooperation was not achieved yet. After the fall of the monarchy Russia entered the stage of reconstruction, while Turkey was on the verge of the final fall of the Young Turks. For both countries the territory of the South Caucasus became the stage of political struggle for realizing imperial ambitions and an attempt to prevent the final territorial disintegration of states. The author shows a difference between Russian and Turkish political approaches. Turkey acted directly, holding negotiations and introducing troops, while Russia had no contacts with Caucasus officials and tried to weaken the Turkish activity in the region through Germany. The conflict nature of the region, which had earlier been suppressed by the power of Russian monarchy, was revealed now. The author presents the political development of the South Caucasus in the form of evolution from the idea of autonomy within the Russian statehood to the proclamation of independence of Georgia, Azerbaijan and Armenia. Considering the South Caucasus political development in the international context is conditioned by dependence on external challenges, which determined the decisions and actions of Caucasian political elites. On the one hand, the newly formed Caucasian governments declared their independence at the international level. On the other hand, these governments were dependent on the leaders of world politics in achieving their goals. The participation of Russia and Turkey in the political processes in the South Caucasus was associated with the contradictory aims. Both parties didn’t want to be eliminated from the Caucasian region. At the same time, they tried to avoid military conflict. The Turkish government’s motivation to use the military power consisted in the need to protect the Muslim population, but not in opposition to Russia. In general, year 1918 marked two opposite perspectives for both countries: for Russia – the loss of the Caucasus as a territory and a sphere of influence; for Turkey – strengthening positions through the local Muslim population.

Subject terms:

South Caucasus - Revolution of 1917 - Brest Treaty - Trabizond Conference - Batum Conference - Transcaucasian Sejm - Young Turks - Bolsheviks - History of Russia. Soviet Union. Former Soviet Republics - DK1-4735 - International relations - JZ2-6530

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